Milan Horáček

* 1946

  • "Frankfurt and its surrounding satellite cities have a population of plus or minus three million. At one time, when I was managing director of our exile group, Cesty 68, I had 800 live addresses, which were mostly family addresses. There were also a lot of individuals, but the scope was much wider than 800 people. We had monthly gatherings, balls and so on. Thus, precisely because we held these events in a Catholic common room, not far from one of the most renowned Czech pubs that cooked well, these were certain centers [of exile social life]. They brought together people from a wide circle. From Christians, Catholics and Protestants to Jews and Social Democrats. I was an exception from the mid-1970s onwards in that I was in wider discussion with those not traditional, party-oriented politicians, but those oriented towards ecology and human rights. I worked with Amnesty International, not only in relation to Czechoslovakia. And in the Dialog bookstore that I founded with Vašek Hora, we had exile literature and samizdat from all over the Eastern Bloc. On the one hand, my approach was highly individualistic; I was an exception, for many years the only Czech emigrant in West Germany who was in the Green Party. I tried to work with as broad a spectrum as possible."

  • "We immediately booked a plane and flew from Bonn to Berlin. We stayed up all night, we didn't sleep at all, and we were on that Kurfürstendamm where there were tens of thousands of Berliners. You couldn't always tell if they were from the West or the East. Those who were there late into the night were not dressed very well, and they were celebrating. Talking to each other and so on. And then we went right away semi-legally to East Berlin, where I had been once before, but I was arrested on the street and sent to West Berlin."

  • "For example, the boy who went with Ulrike Ackermann, who is still alive because she was younger then. She's not my age, she's a bit younger. They did it out of the conviction that it was necessary. Sensible people knew they were going... We had to teach them how to unscrew it, pull it out and hide it again. Normally at those borders [border guards] were not able to dismantle the whole VW bus camping gear." - "Who was taking over? Did they have a liason?" - "It was more people, of course. She [Ulrike Ackermann] had been here the year before with another partner. They weren't caught then. They [State Security] had probably already gotten around to it, but maybe they wanted to find out more. The ride that was seized afterwards, when they were arrested here in 1978, they were doing a little unloading in Pilsen. Which they didn't find out in the interrogations. They only talked about the final one, when they met a man in Wenceslas Square who had an apple in his hand as a sign. They knew how to address him, that was the agreed password. And then the point was that they handed him a handwritten note where it was deposited. They were on their way to the border, out of Prague, and then they were arrested when he went to get the stuff. But it wouldn't have played a role, because we found out that the guy was set up." - "He was an agent." - "He wasn't. He was being blackmailed. As far as I know so far, he was a concentration camp agent, but he did all sorts of shenanigans afterwards, some kind of black marketeering."

  • "Our first car that we redesigned [for literature smuggling], where we had changed chassis parts and so... We had secret, customized entrances in it where we could hide one or two big suitcases of materials that we were bringing in. In 1978, a pair [of couriers] sent out by me were arrested and only released after a month. Many people intervened on their behalf, from Heinrich Böll to Willy Brandt. We had it insured to a certain extent. Now I'm working on it with people from the Institution for Study of Toalitarian Regimes. We've rebuilt several of these cars. Then we delivered to various addresses in Czechoslovakia Letters (Listy), Testimonies (Svědectví), things from Škvorecký, from the Index publishing house. But one fine day we found out that the car that was caught was taken over by a former concentration camp prisoner who knew a little German, but was broken, turned over by the State Security. Later on, we increasingly developed that cooperation in a different way. Me, in particular, I was in contact with people with diplomatic passports, for example, members of parliament who used to go to Czechoslovakia and met with those people, starting with Václav Havel and others. And the things that they were carrying had some weight. And then there were other ways of conveying those things. At the same time, we also went twice a summer, at the beginning and at the end, to Yugoslavia, where we distributed a lot of these materials to vacationers."

  • "We had this legend that we were only going there for one night. We had a toothbrush, normal clothes and money. That we were going to buy wine for a wedding. Which was true in a way. He [my friend František] was from such a big family, five children, they had relatives there. So that we were going there to go shopping at some friends of his. And first we'd go to the cemetery. As if one of his friends had died. And then we'd stay there till night. He explained to me that some of the people there were reporting to police. They were the ones who knew who might be a cop. So then we went to the border at night. In that last part, we were prepared - we had double trousers and sweatpants over that - so that we could crawl. We tried to crawl against that horizon. Then at one of the gates, he helped me where to stand and how to swing over. And then we ran. We weren't climbing over three wires, just two. Because we were almost at the company that was already in the border zone behind the border line. The one thing he didn't explain to me properly or prepare me for was that... - he was running, he was running, and I couldn't keep up. He said that after we crossed the wires, we had to run a few kilometers into the Austrian interior because we didn't know if we had shorted out the low current and set off some kind of alarm. And that if they sent dog handlers with dogs after us, they would pull us several kilometres out of Austrian territory. They said it had already happened. Of course, they would get gold watches, passes and so on for that when they caught some poor Polish or 'Dederon' (DDR inhabitant). Because somehow the Czechs didn't run away so much in 1966/1967, when he was serving there."

  • “One time I was assigned to work with a certain truck driver, and my work also included loading the cargo. He told me: ‘Now, we’ll place these four or five bags on the edge, but we will not fold them one over another.’ Then he drove through one bend in the road more aggressively than usual, and these bags slid from the truck down to the ditch. In the rear mirror I could see that some villager ran there from his house with a wheelbarrow, and he started loading the bags onto it right away. We received some hen or duck in return for it, or some home made jams with some pork meat or something like that. The driver himself was usually taking money for it. Everything like that was a part of it – you saw and perceived that there was a double way of living. There is the life which you present in the public, and which the socialist republic declares, and then there is the reality. Those everyday small and big lies, deceit and hypocrisy were even more augmented by straight corruption.”

  • “The political development was too conservative for us. We were thus looking for a way – perhaps to establish some new, different party, which would be perhaps on the left from the social democracy or in a different relationship with the already established parties. A party which would have nothing to do with DKP – who were the East Germany-Moscow-oriented communists at that time – nor with the Left, which was ideologically restricted in a way: in a Marxist way, in a Marxist-Leninist, Maoist, or Trockist way. That was all sectarian in a way. What we were after was to deal with problems of late capitalism which had certain dimensions of a social market economy. But it was only partly social while it was strongly market-oriented. Deep problems began to ensue. Problems with the way people were treated –the workforce, gastarbeiters, and so on, and then how everything else was treated: the environment, the sources of our being.”

  • “I experienced the D-Day, November 17th, in some meeting of the Green Party, where I was actually glued to the phone all the time – I remember this precisely – with Zdeněk Mlynář in Vienna, and with Jiří Pelikán in Rome, and with some people who were available here in Prague. But I didn’t speak with Václav Havel or Dienstbier, because they were gone all the time, traveling somewhere. There were no mobile phones at that time. When I called Havel’s apartment some other time – when they had their phone connected and maybe even monitored – Ivan Havel would usually pick up the phone. They already lived on the Vltava embankment at that time. I would always ask him if Vašek was at home, and he would reply that he would go and check. That was such a custom. Havel allegedly always fussed that I was keeping him from his work, but he would come to the phone anyway. I asked him the usual things, how he was doing and what was going on. He would then talk to me about something for an hour. I would then phone the content of what he had told me to various people all over the world. I now meet with Ivan from time to time and we remember various things. And this is one thing that we like to remember, became in spite of all this, they were somehow separated from that world.”

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The topic of ecology and human rights led him to the Bundestag

Milan Horáček
Milan Horáček
photo: Witness´s archive

Milan Horáček was born on 30 October 1946 in Velké Losiny near Šumperk. His father, Alexandr Horáček, was Czech, his mother, Emilie, née Sieber, was German and her family was allowed to stay in Czechoslovakia after the end of the war. They spoke Czech at home, yet the witness´s childhood was marked by pervasive anti-German sentiments. He trained as an electrical mechanic. Already during his adolescence he criticised the communist regime and the closed borders. Being politically unreliable, he was assigned to a road-building unit, the former Auxiliary Engineering Corps (AEC), as part of his compulsory military service. In 1967, he was accused of organizing a mutiny arranged because of poor diet and spent several weeks in military prison. After the invasion of Czechoslovakia by Warsaw Pact troops in August 1968, he and his friend František Dražan decided to leave for West Germany, where his mother and two sisters had already emigrated. Here they both worked for a while in an upholstered furniture factory, Milan Horáček later found work in a chemical factory in Frankfurt. Here he studied grammar school and political science at the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University. He became involved in exile work, together with Václav Hora he ran the Dialog bookshop, was the managing director of the emigrant Club Cesty 68, and published the German version of Pelikán’s Listy. He participated in smuggling foreign literature into Czechoslovakia. In the late 1970s he was at the beginning of the German Greens, for which he was elected to the Frankfurt city council in 1981 and two years later to the Bundestag. He was particularly interested in human rights issues, with which he also travelled abroad to Afghanistan and the Soviet Union. In January 1990, he accompanied Václav Havel on his first presidential foreign trip to Germany. He was a member of Havel’s wider advisory board. He founded and for many years headed the Prague office of the Heinrich Böll Foundation and was involved in the development and direction of the Czech Green Party. From 2004-2009 he was a Member of the European Parliament elected on behalf of the German Greens. He lives in Prague and Germany.