Dana Huňátová

* 1952

  • "I won't forget this visit, I won't forget it, because it was a very difficult situation, and for me personally a dangerous one, which developed from it. It was that we were preparing for an official visit of the Prime Minister to Egypt. That visit consisted of a reception at the highest levels, including a reception by the President, a reception by the Prime Minister, several ministers. Then a visit to a region, a Czech factory, etc. was also planned. It was a visit of several days, it takes a lot of work to put together such a programme. It is really dozens of hours that the whole office spends on it. And especially in those Egyptian conditions, where getting the right official is a prize in itself. The prime minister was supposed to visit Egypt first and then go to Tunisia for a similarly long visit. His advance team was with us, they went through everything, we went through everything with them, everything was fine, they left completely satisfied. Well, a couple of days after that, the Prime Minister was invited to -- we didn't even know that at the beginning of the trip. When I found out that he was going to Israel before that, I thought it was an inappropriate inclusion. Even if the trip had gone completely smoothly, the order was not very polite to Egypt. Well, I had been arranged with a colleague from the State Department, because we were both anxious that he would then sort of privately keep an eye on the Prime Minister to make sure that something didn't go wrong. Unfortunately, he failed to keep an eye on the Prime Minister, so it happened that a clever Israeli journalist took advantage of the situation and invited Prime Minister Zeman for a drink. Apparently, he didn't stop at just the first one and learned some interesting things during the course of the evening. Such as that the best thing to do would be to drive the Palestinians into the sea, that they are in Israel because we offer L-159 fighter jets there, which of course we also sold in Egypt, and the highlight was when he compared Arafat to Hitler for some reason, I don't know why he even uttered such a thing. The exact interview came out the next day in an Israeli newspaper and in the Jerusalem Post. There was an incredible avalanche. Of course, the Egyptians were watching it very closely, the visit, not only like any other visit, but also knowing that in a few days such a visit would take place in their country. It was terrible, because I was immediately summoned to the Foreign Ministry, and even to the Minister himself, to explain the statements. Our side began to squirm and their explanation was to the effect that it was a mistranslation. Of course, everyone laughed at that. When I called the minister's office to ask how I should apologize, I was already in the car, I was on my way to the ministry to explain the prime minister's remarks, so I called Secretary of State Kavanaugh's office to ask what I should do, and I got the answer, 'You'll figure it out,' so I apologized as much as I could, because it really was something so bad that I couldn't explain it. It was clear everyone knew he said what it said. It was nonsense some interpreter or whatever. The minister gave me his opinion, very strongly condemned the words. He said that in that case he felt that they would not find it convenient in time to consider the visit cancelled. I came back to the office, I was summoned by the head of the Arab League, who had previously been Foreign Minister, Amr Moussa. He was a little less harsh in his response, even towards me, and he told me, however, at least in a calm voice, and without taking it personally towards me, he also told me of his reservations about the statements and his regret that he already knew that the visit would not take place. It was terrible. I went back to the office, and on all the television channels, on all the news programmes, there was information that I had been called to the minister's carpet to explain the following, and everyone repeated it, everything that this Prime Minister Zeman had said in Israel. There was always a picture of me posted. I really have to say that I was afraid because we had no security, nothing like that, the photo everywhere. If I go somewhere as an ambassador officially, I go with the flag on my car. So if somebody really sort of wanted to, I was a very, very easy, easy target, and it certainly wouldn't have been a problem at all to vent my opinion against these speeches about me as a representative of the state. The cancellation of that visit to Tunisia came shortly afterwards, so I was glad that the two of us were in on it, even with the colleague in Tunis."

  • "I had the experience of the very first visit I participated in, the trip of the President to Berlin and Munich. The Minister had several meetings separately and the President had his agenda. And in Munich, the minister had a meeting with his compatriots on his agenda. It was quite a large room, it was packed, maybe 150 people, maybe more. And the first question was from a compatriot, when will they get their property back. And that shocked me completely, because in all the meetings there were completely different topics than property. That was on January 2, 1990. You didn't think like that at all. I was, you could say, thrown off my feet. The Minister was also taken aback by the question. And then the whole debate turned on the question of the return of the Sudeten Germans' property. It was a very difficult negotiation and it indicated future problems, because this issue had been dragging on for years."

  • "There was a lot of uncertainty among Western politicians. On the one hand, there was great enthusiasm that we had got rid of the communist regime, all those countries. On the other hand, nobody knew what was going to happen next. Who and what we were. To what extent we were riddled with that communist demagoguery. Who among us was a supporter, what we were and what we wanted. Whether it was safe for them to talk to the representatives of Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia at all. Of course, East Germany was something special, it didn't really concern them, there the negotiations for reunification started immediately, which we supported from the beginning. But the three of us who were left, plus Bulgaria, Romania, which was even more distant and even more obscure to the West, so it was a period of a bit of a straddling of the West. Because of course the easiest thing was sort of economic aid and support, but the political involvement, and possibly the involvement in the security structures, that was a much more complicated question. We started immediately to negotiate the departure of the Soviet troops, so the second step and the goal of our political representation was the abolition of the Warsaw Pact, but that was already causing great concern in the West. Some politicians wanted to balance the abolition of the Warsaw Pact with the dissolution of NATO. Which, of course, was not logical, because the two pacts were created for different reasons. The reasons why NATO was created, to defend freedom and democracy, have not gone away, so there was not that logical reason for somehow abolishing the pact."

  • "Well, it wasn't friendly to us, by any means. I didn't dare go to the dining room alone for months, that was clear. It was such a terribly interesting situation, though I can't quite describe it, because it was such a hustle and bustle and such a workload and commitment that I can't remember the details. Just as we came in through the main entrance into the anteroom of the minister's office, the deputy ministers and the directors of the trade unions were there, and they made no pretence of welcoming anyone. The atmosphere there was really so unpleasant, perhaps even hostile, those first days. Because of course they turned up their noses at the newcomers, they considered themselves professionals and we were some kind of... And especially towards the minister, that he was some kind of a stoker, and that he was going to command them. The other considerations that were there were what they should do to keep their positions. How to adapt to that. That, in retrospect, those corridors, which are known for - it has a name: 'corridor diplomacy' - those Černín corridors are known for the fact that that's where a lot of the important decisions, or at least negotiations, actually take place, so it must have been bubbling and boiling. I would have loved to have heard or seen some of that, because it must have been incredibly exciting for the staff there."

  • "I wasn't there for the interrogation, but we experienced when they came to pick up my husband, the search was pretty crazy. At exactly 6am they broke into the flat, from then on we were not allowed to talk. It was the first day of school and we weren't allowed to talk to the kids. It was absolutely crazy! My daughter got up - I wasn't allowed to wake her up - so they went to wake the kids up, which was horrible. There was one woman and three guys. One of the guys went with my daughter to the toilet to watch her, she wasn't allowed to close, and I wasn't allowed to speak to her at all - not a word. It was just something crazy. And the only thing I managed to do, so it was more of a joke, as they were going into that apartment, I told them they had to take off their shoes. I said the kids had allergies and they had to take their shoes off, and they did take their shoes off, so they were walking around in socks. But then it pissed one of them off because they still went to the basement, and they kicked one neighbour´s basement door, who of course had nothing to do with it. So they searched the apartment thoroughly, the kids had to get dressed, go to school, completely freaked out. My son had a great idea - I say, we weren't allowed to talk to him - he went to my colleague on the way to school and told her that we were being searched. That got the message out, and then she kept calling other places. They left about noon, took what they thought was appropriate. Mostly they were interested in books, it was a car full of books. They took my husband away and that's all I knew."

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    Praha , 13.03.2024

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    Praha, 15.03.2024

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Being on the front line

Dana Huňátová in Cairo in 2000
Dana Huňátová in Cairo in 2000
photo: archive of a witness

Dana Huňátová, née Teňáková, was born on 23 July 1952 in Prague into a family that was very critical of the communist regime. Her mother Miroslava took part in the student march to Prague Castle on 25 February 1948 in support of democracy in Czechoslovakia, a march that was brutally dispersed by the communist regime that had already seized power. Her father’s brother Michal was imprisoned in the gulag for seven years. Dana graduated from the Higher School of Economics, specialization in teaching economic subjects, then taught economic calculations and statistics at high school. After being dismissed as hostile to the regime, she worked as an independent economist at the dean’s office of the Hus Theological Faculty. In 1973 she married Čestmir Huňát, with whom she has two children - Marek (1974) and Blanka (1977). Her husband was arrested in 1986 and imprisoned for almost half a year because of his activities and later his membership in the Jazz Section. Dana recalls the indiscriminate house search accompanying her arrest on the first day of school, when she could not wake her children in the morning or even speak to them. She describes the brutality of the crackdown by SNB (National Security Corps) officers during the November 17, 1989 protests. After the revolution, she became head of the cabinet of the first post-Soviet foreign minister, Jiří Dienstbier. She recalls the unpleasant atmosphere at the Černínský palace during the transfer of power and the fateful foreign visits of President Václav Havel, which she attended as part of his entourage to the USA, Germany, the Vatican and Israel. She remained in the diplomatic service even after the elections in June 1992, when Jiří Dienstbier did not defend his post. From 1992-1997 she served as Ambassador of the Czech Republic in Helsinki, Finland, from 1998-2002 in Cairo, Egypt, and from 2004-2008 in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. From 2010 to 2014, she served as Consul General in Chicago, USA. She tells about the beginnings of Czechoslovak, then Czech diplomacy. She is the author of a memoir mapping this transformation period. In 2019, she was awarded the prestigious Medal of Merit for Diplomacy in its first year. In 2024, she was living in Prague.