The following text is not a historical study. It is a retelling of the witness’s life story based on the memories recorded in the interview. The story was processed by external collaborators of the Memory of Nations. In some cases, the short biography draws on documents made available by the Security Forces Archives, State District Archives, National Archives, or other institutions. These are used merely to complement the witness’s testimony. The referenced pages of such files are saved in the Documents section.

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Maciej Zięba (* 1954)

• ur. 6.09.1954 r. we Wrocławiu

• w 1978 r. absolwent fizyki na Uniwersytecie Wrocławskim

• od 1974 r. zaangażowany w działalność katolicką i opozycyjną: organizował odczyty, był w Zarządzie Klubu Inteligencji Katolickiej,

• w 1976 r. zorganizował zbiórkę pieniędzy dla represjonowanych robotników z Ursusa i Radomia,

• w 1978 r. zorganizował 1. Tydzień Kultury Chrześcijańskiej we Wrocławiu,

• podczas strajku w 1980 r. był łącznikiem pomiędzy strajkującymi a Kurią i arcybiskupem wrocławskim,

• od 09.1980 r. członek Komitetu Zakładowego “Solidarności” w IMGW, ekspert i doradca w Międzyzakładowym Komitecie strajkowym’

• pomysłodawca i redaktor naczelny “Dolnośląskiej Solidarności”,

• w 1981 r. wstąpił do zakonu dominikanów (w latach 1998-2006 był prowincjałem),

• w 1997 r. ukończył doktorat z teologii na Papieskiej akademii Teologicznej w Krakowie

• w latach 2007-2010 był dyrektorem Europejskiego Centrum Solidarności w Gdańsku

Maciej Zięba was born on 06.09.2954 in Wrocław, where he also studied Physics at the university. In 1973 “when I was searching for God I encountered KIK (Klub Inteligencji Katolickiej - Club of the Catholic Intelligence) that was also associated with “Komandosi” (“Commandos”). Already, after the first semester, in March 1974, he was listed on the list of 30 students from Wroclaw suspected by the Security Service of anti-socialist activities. “At that time there was no opposition in Wrocław” and Karol Modzelewski was exiled here from Warsaw, Mr. and Mrs. Labuda also came and, together with local members of KIK, they started to meet with each other. Unlike the big cities, where the opposition was huge, only three houses had stationary wiretapping installed – these were Modzelewski, Labuda and Zięba families. Ininitiatives such as writing letters and making small protests started to appear gradually only after 1970 in Wrocław. KOR (Komitet Obrony Robotników - Committee for Workers Defence) began its activity, the underground press was printed, SKSs (Studencki Komitet Solidarności- Student Committee of Solidarity) were created. KIK organized lectures with ‘non-official’ version of history. Maciej Zięba organized lectures about Stanisław Barańczak, poetry that was banned in PRL, independent press was distributed.

In April 1978, during the meeting with cardinal Wojtyła, Maciej Zięba declared that young people of Catholic Church were waiting for the word of the Church and were ready to fight. Half a year later, Wojtyła became a pope, it was still an elite event: “Karol Wojtyła was known only around his diocese and among elites that read “Tygodnik Powszechny” magazine [...] however, the censorship blocked everything, so he was barely known in Poland”. An important moment of censorship in Poland was year 1979 - a pilgrimage of John Paul II to Poland. A trip of hundreds of thousands of united Silesians to Mass, together with the Pope “was an experience of solidarity, sharing happiness, and discovering that, in these Fiats 126 P (“maluch”) - because it was our basic means of transport - [...], despite lack of food, we shared an apple, or tea, a sandwich; discovering that there were millions of us. ” At the meeting with the Pope, students carried a big banner, just like the ones carried for the 1^st of May holiday, on which, there was a small inscription at the top “35 years of PRL” and below “1000 years of Christianity in Poland” - that showed proper proportions of history.

At the beginning of the opposition activity, which was first of all - a moral activity, Maciej Zieba was scared of loneliness in the big city, a sense that the government can do virtually anything. After he organized a fundraising for the workers of Ursus, he had a revision made because he was accused of breaking into a pharmacy at the hospital and stealing drugs: “All the time, I was convinced that they would pull out white powder and say: 5 years of imprisonment”. Due to this omnipotence of the communists many people felt that it would not make sense to struggle. Meetings with people during pilgrimages, who though similarly, and words said by the Pope, that they were responsible for the renewal of the country, gave a new portion of strength to fight. “It was a shocking experience. When [the Pope] left all people said that the Poland was totally different”.

Even before the Pope’s visit, Maciej Zięba had gotten a permission from cardinal Gulbinowicz to organize Weeks of Christian Culture in Wroclaw that took a shape of independent and uncensored education. Most important intellectualists were invited, crowds of Wrocław citizens came to the lectures. A feeling that something must be changed grew in people’s minds. There were strikes and underground initiatives of intellectualists. A decreased power supply for the city during winter, “more and more products sold for ration stamps and less for the money in shops” indicated something getting broken. It meant that the authorities felt the tension. However there was also a sense that, when something went wrong in Berlin, Hungary or Czech Republic “tanks came and cleared out everything” by shedding blood. New sounds of support also appeared more often in the Church - to take responsibility.

In July 1980 strikes burst out - still with the old scheme: the railway junction stopped, it got a several thousand rise and then it moved on. “When the shipyard in Gdańsk ceased to work it was quickly visible that it was something different.” The breaking and great moment was to stop resolving the Gdansk strike and the start of solidarity strikes- “An economic community burst out, it was certainly a new quality”. More companies started to join to strengthen the postulates.

On 17.08.1980 Maciej Zięba went to Wambierzyce to hear primate Wyszyński saying directly that people had the right to a decent work and pay. Zięba had these words printed and after his return, together with his friend from work, he was to be fired, he printed several copies of leaflets and took them to other activists. He wanted to spread the information that primate supported their actions. Then he went to Warsaw to check out what was going on - “it was a total fuss”. The letter of support was being prepared. Zięba wanted to add Wrocław there, but after he received the agreement from Wrocław KIK management, via bugged telephone lines, it was too late because the letter had been already sent.

Before Zięba went to Warsaw, he had met with Labudas and Modzelewski in Wrocław, who praised events in shipyard but also thought that this intransigent attitude would lead to the wrong conclusion. The mood was something along the lines of: “oh well, we have to do this but there is a slight chance of success”. All media threatened people with Russian intervention and blood shedding. People were wondering what to do.

26.08.1980 “Tuesday morning - a lovely day indeed, the weather was beautiful - [...] I looked: there was no communication [city]”, the whole town was given a signal that the strike had started. The atmosphere was like a festive one, at all times “we were doing something worthy, something together” - Zieba rode the whole city on a bike, depots were festooned with flags, and people were smiling. Because, according to an order from Gdańsk, during the strike alcohol was prohibited, there was only a possibility to pray, he thought that we should have conducted a Mass. Priest Orzechowski didn’t refuse. He rode a bike to Grabiszyńska Street, to Krzysztof Turkowski who declared he was on their side. The Labuds were to stay, Zięba was to act as a messenger between the strikers and the cardinal. In the evening, primate Wyszyński appeared on TV screens, he, however, did not respond to strikers’ demands, speaking in a calm manner, and, what’s more, his speech was censored. On 28.08. Gulbinowicz brought a much more supportive message from Warsaw. It was a statement from the Conference of Bishops during which, on Zięba’s request, he received the blessing for the strikers. They once again made several copies and carried them to MKS. “That was extremely important - on psychological, spiritual and political level, that the Church, which was recognized by communists, clearly supported us [...], we were not alone, and this strike of solidarity was meaningful”. In the evening, the delegates of MKS went to Gulbinowicz to express gratitude for the support.

29.08 was a tiring day, there were some signals that ‘something was up in the air’. When Zięba was riding a bike from Grabiszyńska Street, a fiat car of Security Service drove up to him, took him into the car and drove to custody at Sądowa Street. “I thought, they wanted to put me in jail, but they kept calling somewhere, it lasted for one hour and then, they released me”.

On 30.08, on Saturday, everything started to look a bit better, an agreement was signed in Szczecin, but there was a threat that Gdańsk would be left alone. One day before, strikes around Silesia started, they showed authorities that this would not be stopped by force all at once. So, the debates began in Gdańsk. “Sunday, the 31st [August] was a festival of happiness![...] Something incomprehensible - a bloodless success.” It was new quality, crowds would come to MKS which received offset machine from authorities. Zięba realized that then communication was to be established to reach smaller cities. He introduced “Solidarność Dolnośląska”( Lower Silesian Solidarity) magazine.

There was a lack of social involvement among priests in Wrocław, however, priest Orzechowski was zealous and he immediately agreed to preach at the Mass for the strikers. “It was an amazing experience, [...] a queue of guys to confession, tired men, and the atmosphere of the festivity and dignity. The Eucharist really elevated these fundamental values. That we wanted something good, something to be done together, united.” It was a real result of this spontaneous solidarity: after they had risen the pay for drivers and had not risen pay for cleaning ladies the excess was taken away and divided between all workers. “At that time we could, despite huge differences [...] we kept on respecting ourselves”. No one heard of any provocations made by the authorities. However, there was a lot of propaganda in media. The city was filled with the atmosphere of joyfulness and solidarity.

After the strike, he didn’t experience victimization. However, he was not aware of the fact that SB (Security Service) was interrogating and harassing his mother. Shortly after, he joined the Dominicans so his superiors told authorities that “actually he was being interned in a monastery” so he was left alone. He had experienced much more unpleasantness before the strike. At that time, Zięba’s father wasn’t in a political party, however he was against the extreme actions against authorities because he didn’t see any point in doing so. In the 80s “we believed [...] that we would be gone before communism ends” because it would not end so fast. He looked then, towards God with a question: “was there anything worth risking for [...] and, something inside him said - yes”. “It was a fight for decency”.